It is always good to see conventional wisdom overturned. Peter Mandelson's memoir was supposed to be a failure because only very popular politicians are supposed to do well from their books. In the past couple of weeks there has been much media muttering about how Denis Healey's sales had been the best among recent Labour memoirs because so many buyers had liked the beetle-browed sometime Chancellor of the Exchequer so much. The latest Private Eye cover, picking up the theme, shows New Labour's Prince of Darkness protesting 'I haven't sold out' and being reminded that his book was 'so boring' and could hardly be expected to attract purchasers.
In truth, and to the delight of the excellent HarperCollins (ok; disclosure; my publisher as well as his), Mandelson's memoir, The Third Man, has been a storming chart-topping success. I can't even turn on my new iPad without being encouraged to buy an extra electronic copy. (No, Mr Crean, [see comment on previous post] I am not iPadding from Paddington Station) The book itself does not make its author more likeable - but then maybe that never did matter as much as we were told.
It is a story, heavily advertised on television as a bedtime story, in which the author reads to a child about his derring-does in the wicked world of politics. Its theme is how a glowering leader from the north is for ten years thwarted by his sunnier, southern companion in his lust to rule the whole kingdom - and how the story-teller, a sensitive idealist, becomes the victim of the northman’s unimaginably dark machinations.
Peter Mandelson shows Gordon Brown, whom only three months ago he was supporting to remain British Prime Minister, as, in truth, a very vengeful troll, paranoid and dangerous to all who ever crossed him. Tony Blair, his predecessor, is portrayed as lighter, quicker, but less hard-working and too weak to rid himself of his rival. The Third Man is the visionary communicator who once upon a time foresaw the strengths of both men but who, in his own four stints as a minister, becomes cursed to be crushed between them. Like many successful bedtime stories, much of Peter Mandelson’s tale is written as though the author were still a child himself, a brave lost boy lashing out in large black letters, more charcoal than crayon, some of them smudged by tears.
This is thus an unusual memoir – and not only because of the fairyland character of its writer. It is also a cautionary tale of our time, a reminder of the 1990s and how widespread was then the wish that something seemingly impossible might happen, that the Labour Party should finally become electable. I remember it well. John Major had become a Tory embarrassment. The idea that Labour dross might be turned to gold was highly attractive. When Mandelson began spinning Brown and Blair to the media his wizardry was much admired. It was in a good cause. Even when he became famed for the previously secret and not always pleasant tricks of his trade, he kept his allure. He was a modernist as well as a moderniser, not the first to exaggerate and deceive on behalf of Westminster masters but the first to make it fashionable. Spin was in the air.
The key moment in the book comes in May 1994 when the Labour leader, John Smith, dies suddenly and both Brown and Blair want his job. To be a servant of two masters has been a stock tale of woe for centuries. Read Goldoni and laugh again. While Brown is acknowledged as the senior, Mandelson and most of the media prefer sunny Blair. The strings pulled between Mandelson and the media in these days become a matter of obsession for Brown, of horror that his favourite conjuror’s tricks have been played against him.
After a still disputed power-sharing deal, Blair wins the leadership, Brown ‘hates the world’, ‘New Labour’ wins the 1997 election and Mandelson, from a formal job in the Cabinet Office, remains for real purposes a spin-doctor in his previous role of woe. When he faces an internal party election, the Deputy Prime Minister compares him to a crab in a bottle. There is a compensating letter on his ‘predicament’ from the Prince of Wales who notes the ‘vulnerable and sensitive inner core’ that lies beneath the ‘inevitable outer carapace’. Mandelson notes ‘how unthinkable it would have been for a fellow politician to have paused to reflect on what might lie beneath my outer shell or to grasp my ‘predicament’. This the first knot in a long rope of pity for himself and candid critiques for colleagues.
When he gets his first ministerial department, he survives only six months. ‘It was my own mistakes that caused my downfall’ he writes, ‘but the engine of my destruction was Gordon Brown’. The mistake, taking a secret loan from a fellow minister, seems trivial now, Gordon Brown as an engine of destruction rather less so. Blair’s wife says of Brown ‘that a person who causes evil to another will in the end suffer his returns’. She is ‘angry and upset and worried for Tony’. On holiday in Corfu, Serena Rothschild (whose family, with Mick Jagger and Kate Moss, provides colour in this dark tale) asks Mandelson why he has so many enemies. He cites his clinging reputation as the creature behind the curtain, the ‘sinister minister’. If only a person were ‘like some Lego toy to be disassembled and refashioned at will’.
Six months later he is back in government, abusing Brown while the Prime Minister lies in the Queen’s Bedroom at Hillsborough Castle promising to ‘protect’ him from a second destruction. Two years on, in a scandal less comprehensible than the first, he is fired for allowing incorrect briefings to be given to the press about an Indian businessman’s passport inquiry. While his closest friends desert him, Brown is ‘briefly warmer to me than at any time since my ‘betrayal’ in 1994’. This is merely the warmth of the destroyer who has won; ‘Gordon wants you buried’, Blair admits while attempting to lure Mandelson back for the next election campaign. Then comes 9/11 and the Iraq war and the sense, intensified in this version of the story, that for once, and on one issue only, Blair is free – not just to stay in power but to make decisions on his own.
The Third Man watches from the wings while a ‘cowed’ Blair considers moving Brown from the Treasury but balks at the dangers. Brown wants nothing bar the inheritance that for so long he has felt was his, an imminent date for Blair to retire. Blair describes Brown as ‘aggressive, brutal. . like something out of the Mafiosi’ but eventually has to give way. Mandelson is exiled in Brussels as an EU Commissioner. The servant and the two masters seem to have reached the end of their show until this year’s shock encore, in which Mandelson accepts a peerage from his destroyer and makes a ‘third return from the Cabinet dead’, arguably the greatest conjuring trick of all. Blair is back too – retaining ‘a trainspotter’s interest in British politics’ and a deep care ‘about his own legacy’. The collapse of New Labour cannot be stopped, as all three know, but the last attempt at persuading the voters otherwise permits some last black reflection on the ‘scars’, the ‘mutually assured destruction’ and how it became ‘all so wretched between us’.
This one will sell and sell.

